Elon Musk is shredding America’s government like he did Twitter
JUST PAST midnight on February 3rd, Elon Musk appeared on X to explain what he is doing to the federal government. He had to speak over the patter of his four-year-old son, also called X. The bureaucracy, Mr Musk argued, constitutes “a fourth branch of government” which is “arguably the most powerful branch.” He then came to the US Agency for International Development (USAID), which he denounced as little more than a device to funnel taxpayers’ money to Marxists and criminals. He had, he claimed, the full support of Donald Trump and is “shutting it down”, notwithstanding that the agency’s existence is mandated by Congress. Later he posted that he had spent the weekend “feeding USAID into the woodchipper”.
Even as Mr Musk was speaking, workers at USAID’s headquarters in Washington were being told not to come in the next day. Some 600 of the agency’s staff seem to have been locked out of their emails. That followed a weekend in which the agency’s website went offline; its X feed was deleted; and workers from Mr. Musk’s new government unit, the Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, reportedly tried to enter the agency and were initially stopped by senior staff from downloading classified data. Later on February 3rd Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, announced he had been made acting head of the agency while it faces “reorganisation”.
The takedown of USAID is the most dramatic example of what seems to be Mr. Musk’s plan for the whole of government. It is drawn from his playbook as a corporate boss. Just over two years ago Mr. Musk took over Twitter in a messy $44bn deal. Within a few months, much of which he spent at the company’s headquarters in San Francisco, he had reduced headcount by around four-fifths. A third of the staff accepted buyouts; many of the rest were fired. They included senior executives who were sacked instantly to stop their stock options vesting. Every decision, such as those about which Twitter accounts to ban, was put directly into Mr. Musk’s hands.
Now he is trying to do the same thing with over 2m federal employees, in an attempt to cut $1trn—more than half of all discretionary spending—out of the federal budget. It is, says Donald Kettl, of the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland, like nothing that has ever happened before. “On a scale of one to ten, this is about 145. It’s so far off the charts,” he says. Richard Nixon was the most recent American president to govern as if the laws of the land did not apply to him, but “this is far beyond anything that Nixon even attempted”.
The first hints of Mr. Musk’s seriousness came on January 28th, when more than 2m federal employees were sent an email by the Office of Personnel Management (OPM), the closest thing the government has to a human-resources department. The message offered “deferred resignation”. It had the subject line “fork in the road”, the same as in the email sent to Twitter employees when Mr. Musk took over there. Lots of federal employees have been sent two more emails affirming the offer since. One went out to air-traffic controllers less than a day after a plane crash in Washington, DC, which has raised questions about short-staffing at Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport.
DOGE is technically embedded in the US Digital Service, an organisation created by Barack Obama to spread the use of new technology across government. But DOGE seems to be an entirely new thing. Many of its employees seem to be junior workers pulled in very recently from Mr. Musk’s many private firms. Their names have not been made public. But Wired, a magazine, has identified six engineers now working with DOGE. The one who sent the email shutting down USAID, Gavin Kliger, graduated from high school in 2017. The youngest of the six, Edward Coristine, is 19; his relevant work experience consists of a few months interning at Neuralink, Mr. Musk’s brain-implant firm. On his now-deleted LinkedIn profile, he took the moniker “bigballs”.
These engineers—and it is unclear how many more there may be—now seem to be able to enter just about any government building they like. They have apparently installed sofa beds in the office of the OPM. Under an executive order that Mr Trump signed on his first day in office, they are promised “full and prompt access to all unclassified agency records, software systems, and IT systems.” Some DOGE workers may also have been issued interim “Top Secret” clearances, which would allow them access to classified data.
Government employees in various agencies report that staffers from DOGE are turning up at their offices, plugging in servers and running “code reviews”. In the past week many government websites have gone offline, including vital ones, like that of the Census Bureau. Services like the passport-application website also disappeared. This may be linked to the purging of all “DEIA”-related material. What the DOGE people seem most keen on is access to personnel records and as much information as possible about what employees actually do. According to one civil servant interviewed by DOGE personnel, the questions include, “Which of your colleagues are most expendable?”
Here, too, Mr. Musk seems to be applying lessons from his takeover of Twitter, where a small group of trusted acolytes combed through records such as the company’s Slack channels and email accounts to decide whom to fire. Yet the federal government is a much larger beast than Twitter, which at its peak had just 6,500 workers. And Mr. Musk has been touching some extremely sensitive parts of it. On January 31st it emerged that David Lebryk, a senior career Treasury official, retired after clashing with officials from DOGE. They may have obtained access to the government payments system, which pays the government’s bills and makes almost 90% of its bank transfers.
Mr. Musk suggested in a tweet that he has direct control, claiming that his team is “rapidly shutting down” government payments to contractors. On his midnight X talk, he claimed that a large share of government spending is being stolen by charities. Already some with government contracts—to ferry elderly patients to medical appointments, for example—report that payments they expected have not turned up.